Iran consolidates power as IRGC veteran Mohsen Rezaei takes key security role
By Mashood Siddiqui I SCN News Desk
TEHRAN,— Iran has appointed veteran Revolutionary Guards commander Mohsen Rezaei as secretary of the powerful Supreme National Security Council, placing one of the Islamic Republic’s most experienced hardliners at the center of military, diplomatic and national-security decision-making as Tehran restructures its leadership during the continuing conflict with the United States.
Rezaei, 71, replaces Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr and was also named Supreme Leader Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei’s representative on the council, giving him an influential position connecting Iran’s political leadership, armed forces and security establishment.
The appointment is part of a broader consolidation taking place within Iran’s post-war leadership structure, with experienced military commanders being placed in key positions after months of conflict and the deaths of senior Iranian political and military figures.
Former IRGC commander returns to center of power
Rezaei is one of the most recognizable figures from the Islamic Republic’s military establishment.
He joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps following Iran’s 1979 revolution and became its commander at just 27.
He led the IRGC for roughly 16 years, from 1981 until 1997, including through most of the Iran-Iraq War — the conflict that helped shape the generation of commanders who later became central to Iran’s political and security system.
Under Rezaei, the Guards developed from a revolutionary militia into an increasingly sophisticated military institution.
His record during the Iran-Iraq War remains controversial inside Iran, particularly over costly operations including Karbala-4, but his long command experience has also given him deep connections across Iran’s security establishment.
After leaving the IRGC command, Rezaei remained embedded in the political system.
He served on the Expediency Council, ran unsuccessfully for president several times and served as vice president for economic affairs between 2021 and 2023.
More recently, he became a military adviser to Mojtaba Khamenei.
Why the Supreme National Security Council matters
Rezaei is not simply taking another government post.
The Supreme National Security Council, or SNSC, sits near the center of Iranian strategic decision-making.
It coordinates policy involving national defense, intelligence, internal security and major foreign-policy questions.
Its secretary plays an important role connecting the presidency, armed forces, IRGC and the office of the supreme leader.
That makes Rezaei particularly important at a moment when Iran is simultaneously managing military confrontation, negotiations involving the United States and the Strait of Hormuz, sanctions and major internal security pressures.
His appointment therefore gives an experienced former IRGC commander influence over both the military and diplomatic sides of Iran’s strategy.
A harder line on Washington?
Rezaei has repeatedly expressed skepticism about negotiations with the United States.
During the current conflict, he opposed accepting a ceasefire without conditions favorable to Tehran and has taken a confrontational position toward Washington.
That does not necessarily mean Iran will abandon negotiations.
Tehran is still engaged in diplomatic maneuvering over the conflict and the Strait of Hormuz.
But Rezaei’s elevation suggests that the security establishment will have substantial influence over how far Iran is prepared to compromise.
His appointment comes as negotiations over Hormuz remain particularly sensitive, making the timing significant.
Iran rebuilding leadership after devastating strikes
The reshuffle cannot be separated from the enormous disruption inflicted on Iran’s leadership during the conflict.
U.S. and Israeli strikes earlier this year killed former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and numerous senior political, intelligence and military officials.
Mojtaba Khamenei subsequently became supreme leader in March.
The transition strengthened the position of the Revolutionary Guards within Iran’s governing structure. Iranian sources said the IRGC played a decisive role in securing Mojtaba Khamenei’s elevation, seeing him as a leader who would preserve the Islamic Republic’s hardline security policies.
Since then, Tehran has been rebuilding command structures damaged during the war.
Rezaei’s appointment fits that pattern: rather than relying primarily on a new generation, the leadership is bringing trusted veterans of the Islamic Republic’s security establishment into positions where they can stabilize the system.
War commanders gain influence
Iran’s restructuring extends beyond the SNSC.
The supreme leader’s office has also moved to formalize the positions of commanders who have been directing military operations during the conflict, reinforcing the authority of officers who have already gained wartime experience.
That suggests Tehran is attempting to reduce uncertainty within its command structure by ensuring that battlefield commanders have clearly established authority inside the post-war hierarchy.
The broader pattern is important.
Iran is not simply replacing officials killed or removed during the conflict.
It is rebuilding the chain of command around individuals with longstanding relationships to the IRGC, the armed forces and the supreme leader’s office.
IRGC influence remains central
The Revolutionary Guards have long exercised influence extending far beyond conventional military affairs.
The organization has major roles in Iran’s missile and drone programs, regional military strategy, intelligence, internal security and parts of the economy.
Its political influence has also expanded considerably over several decades.
Mojtaba Khamenei’s rise and the subsequent appointment of veteran commanders such as Rezaei suggest that the Guards remain deeply embedded in the leadership architecture emerging from the war.
That does not mean Iran has formally become a military government.
President Masoud Pezeshkian, parliament, the judiciary and other civilian institutions continue to operate.
But the balance of power increasingly places experienced security figures around the institutions where the country’s most consequential strategic decisions are made.
What Rezaei’s appointment signals
The immediate significance of Rezaei’s return is therefore less about one individual than about the direction of Iran’s governing system.
The Islamic Republic has suffered extraordinary leadership losses during the conflict.
Instead of responding by opening the political system, Tehran appears to be tightening and consolidating its command structure.
Rezaei offers precisely what the leadership currently appears to value: decades of military experience, revolutionary credentials, strong relationships within the IRGC and personal access to the supreme leader.
His appointment also creates a more direct bridge between Iran’s political leadership and its wartime military establishment.
As Tehran weighs whether to continue confrontation or pursue a negotiated settlement with Washington, that could matter considerably.
The officials making those decisions are increasingly the same figures who have spent much of their careers preparing Iran for conflict.